By Eva Aizpurua, Ki H. Park, E. O. Heiden & Mary E. Losch
One of the first things that survey researchers learn is that questionnaire design decisions are anything but trivial. The order of the questions, the number of response options, and the labels used to describe them can all influence survey responses. In this Research Note, we turn our attention to the use of examples, a common component of survey questions. Examples are intended to help respondents, providing them with information about the type of answers expected and reminding them of responses that might otherwise go unnoticed. For instance, the 2020 U.S. National Health Interview Survey asked about the use of over-the-counter medication, and included “aspirin, Tylenol, Advil, or Aleve” in the question stem. There are many other examples in both national and international surveys. Despite the potential benefits of using examples, there is a risk that respondents will focus too much on them, at the expense of overlooking cases not listed as examples. This phenomenon, called the “focusing hypothesis”, is what we test in our study.
Using an experimental design, we examined the effects of providing examples in a question about multitasking (“During the time we have been on the phone, in what other activities, if any, were you engaged [random group statement here]?”). In this experiment, respondents were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: the first group received one set of examples (watching TV or watching kids), the second group received a different set of examples (walking or talking with someone else), while the final group received no examples. Our goal was to determine whether respondents were more likely to report an activity (e.g., watching TV or walking) when it was listed as an example. We also wanted to understand whether providing examples resulted in respondents listing more activities beyond the examples.
We embedded this experiment in a telephone survey conducted in a Midwestern U.S. state and found support for the focusing hypothesis. As anticipated, respondents were more likely to mention the activity if it was provided to them as an example. However, the effect sizes were generally small and examples did not have an effect on the percentage of respondents who identified themselves as multitaskers, nor on the number of activities reported by them. This is because people faced with the experimental conditions were more likely to list the examples presented to them (i.e., watching TV, watching kids, walking, talking with someone else), while those in the control group more frequently reported activities outside this range (cooking, doing housework…), yielding no differences on the frequency of multitasking or on the number of multitasking activities. Although examples can help respondents understand the scope of the question and remind them of certain responses, the results from this study indicate that they can also restrict the memory search to the examples provided. This has implications for survey practice, suggesting that the inclusion of examples in questions should be carefully considered and limited to certain situations, such as questions in which recall errors are anticipated or when the scope of the question might be unclear.
To learn more, see full IJSRM article here.